Surname to be investigated: Bars , Moscoso, Guard, Shamah ...
Colombia Week Magazine has reported that according to Wikileaks cables "The United States was outraged by the Panamanian Court's ruling in a case of smuggling weapons for the AUC."
United States was outraged by the Panamanian Court's ruling in a case of trafficking weapons to the AUC.
In November 2001, the Panamanian cargo ship Otterloo led from the port of El Bluff, Nicaragua, to Turbo, Antioquia, 14 containers with about 14,000 AK-M and ammunition to the Nicaraguan Army Defense Forces of Colombia . Two and half years later, the prime suspect in the operation, the isarelí Shimon Yelinek Yalin, was acquitted by the Panamanian Supreme Court. The U.S. Embassy in Panama City reacted indignantly.
Panama's Supreme Court considered there was no evidence that the negotiations for the purchase of weapons had taken place in that country and, therefore, dismissed the charges. "The decision ignores the Panamanian flag Otterloo and the fact that the order was a forged document of the Panamanian National Police," the embassy said, adding that, according to several sources consulted by the United States, the judges had received bribes for make that decision. For the U.S.
the incident was considered so severe that not only revoke the visa of some of those involved, but also suspend the cooperation was giving the Supreme Court of Panama.
News in Panama on this case:
Panama America on this and other cases (2002):
strongman
Carlos Bares Weeden In 1979 he was hired as a car salesman in Toyopán Tesa, the influential Guard Mario employer, the same as that faced in 1994, a prosecution for the murder of Diomedes Abrego. After the businessman was acquitted of those charges.
Carlos Bares has weathered the storm caused by the arms trafficking scandal in which it is linked to the National Police under his command, while the range remains the same force and control that has since assumed leadership of the institution.
Some are calling it the 'strong man' of Panama.
The retired military officer, Ruben Dario Paredes, the thesis is that today the police chief is a strong man, but not uniform. However, as a politician, has power and is a clear subordination of the directors of the rest of the Forces, such as the National Air Service, the National Maritime Service and the Institutional Protection Service, the National Police and its director.
And Panama can not move any wires that control the borders east and west of the country, nor entry de ciudadanos a Panamá, pasando por ser uno de los funcionarios más allegados de la presidenta Mireya Moscoso y familiar cercano del contralor Alvin Weeden. Eso sin sumar que dirige una fuerza de 15 mil hombres armados.
El poder de Carlos Barés radica en la debilidad existente en el Consejo de Seguridad, pues su director Ramiro Jarvis es un experto en inteligencia, pero no un político y, por tanto, no goza de la confianza total ni de la amistad de la presidenta Mireya Moscoso.
Barés Weeden nació en Chitré, provincia de Herrera, el 30 de mayo de 1946. Fue conductor del tres veces presidente Arnulfo Arias Madrid, desde el 10 de junio de 1987 hasta la muerte del caudillo. Luego volvió a ser conductor, this time of Guillermo Endara, during the election campaign in 1989.
After the U.S. invasion is named as the first director of the Institutional Protection Service (SPI). Endara is then appointed as Deputy Minister for the Presidency, and for a time directed parallel RLS.
In 1978 he worked as a cashier of the National Casino. On 7 December of that year, local newspapers published the loss of 18,500 dollars a box under the responsibility of the casino bars.
was detained about 12 hours, but then said the $ 18.500 with two checks from the Bank of Colombia.
Carlos Bares Weeden in 1979 was hired as a salesman Tesa Toyopán cars, the influential businessman Mario Guard, the same as that faced in 1994, a prosecution for the murder of Diomedes Abrego. After the businessman was acquitted of those charges.
distributor in the car, Bares was devoted to the sale of busitos Hi Ace to different entities of the military regime. Then these vehicles were fitted out as ambulances. He then established his own company dedicated to transforming vehicles into ambulances. Parallel to this, Carlos Bares was one of the employees with the necessary contacts to sell cars exempt the Governments of Cuba and Nicaragua. Bares
lives in a residential area of \u200b\u200bHato Pintado. But now he has decided to move to a luxurious residential development in Costa del Este, an exclusive area adjacent to Panama Viejo and the Southern Corridor. The cost of the chosen model homes range between 305 thousand and 400 thousand dollars.
The police chief also has particular influence on the Department of Migration, in which his wife, Ilka de Bares is head. To this we must add that the Deputy Director of Immigration, Javier Tapia, was under his orders until November 2001 when he served as an advisor in the Directorate of Police.
His cousin brother, Foster Weeden Gamboa, is the director of Customs at the border with Costa Rica.
2002 CRITICAL
Panamanian police "arms scandal?
Jorge Luis Durán Pastrana of Bogota
TIME
The Panamanian ship Otterloo in 1981 achieved what could not 'The Karina': enter Colombia a huge arsenal. The weapons were sold by the Police of Nicaragua to a middleman who claimed to represent the Police of Panama, but were diverted to Colombia.
Otterloo Panamanian flag in Colombian waters entered the night of 10 November.
The boat had sailed from the port Veracruz (Mexico) two weeks ago with 23 containers full of plastic balls. When spring arrived Colombian equal number of containers but in 14 of them, instead of toys, came 3,000 rifles AK-47 and 5 million rounds of 7.62 mm caliber.
A month later, when the Colombian authorities were alerted that a country had entered a powerful arsenal, it was too late: The trucks had delivered his load and left no traces recipients. Men
intelligence infiltrated the Colombian police in some ports. A week later established that the weapons had apparently been purchased by the Police of Panama Nicaragua similar to that at the time of delivery, was diverted to Colombia.
With that information, police immediately joined a committee of researchers from the Directorate of Intelligence (Dipol) to establish the origin and whereabouts of which is considered the largest arsenal has illegally entered the Colombian territory in history.
THE OPERATION IN THE BLUFF
In his travels among the three countries, researchers from the Colombian police found that the origin of the arsenal dates back to February 2000, when a private company to the Nicaraguan police said representing of Panama, interested in buy a lot of weapons.
The business was closed at mid-year and delivery of the arsenal was agreed for 2001.
When Colombian investigators were to contact the intermediary company in the business, found that only existed on paper, which had a nonexistent address, which obviously had no links with the Police of Panama, who had falsified all documentation and signatures required for the purchase of arms.
In the reconstruction of illegal intelligence men police established that the fake company, around the time of delivery of the arsenal, bought in Mexico a lot of plastic balls.
On 19 October, the ship Otterloo, with seven crew on board under the command of Captain Fernando Iturrios Mexican Jesus Maciel, was loaded at the port of Veracruz with 23 containers full of plastic balls.
A week later, the Otterloo mechanical damage reported and anchored in Nicaragua to repair the machine.
Previously, the intermediary company had collected the armory in the Plaza El Sol, Managua, and was transported to Puerto Rama, in the Nicaraguan Atlantic.
On October 26 the ship anchored in the Bluff (Nicaragua). For a week he made the repairs Otterloo.
This period, aseguran los investigadores colombianos, también se aprovechó para sacar 14 contenedores de pelotas, de 20 pies cada uno, y, en su remplazo, embarcar la misma cantidad de recipientes pero con 300 cajas de fusiles AK-47 y 3.493 cajas de cartuchos calibre 7,62 milímetros. En total, 3.000 armas y 5 millones de balas.
El Otterloo prendió máquinas el 2 de noviembre con rumbo, aparentemente, a Colón (Panamá).
El Otterloo jamás atracó en Colón, como efectivamente lo establecieron los investigadores colombianos. En cambio, el buque siguió hasta Turbo, donde fondeó el 10 de noviembre pasado y descargó los mismos contenedores con armas que fueron embarcados en territorio nicaragüense.
Men Colombian police intelligence established that moments before the departure from Colombian territory, the captain abandoned ship Iturrios, spent several days in Barranquilla and then returned, by air, to Panama. The first officer, Carlos Alberto Aguilar Valdés, Panama, took command of the ship.
Panama Police received information in late January, about which they were engaged in the marketing of military equipment and opened an internal investigation to establish the authorization of the purchase.
In these investigations, the authorities interviewed some of the crew of ship, who sank into a sea of \u200b\u200bcontradictions that drove afloat in case of researchers from Colombia and that country about the legality of the passage of the Otterloo.
For example, the chief engineer of the ship, Yejun Jesus Ernesto Rodriguez, a Mexican national, said that the route between Veracruz and Colombia never collected in Nicaragua load and only stopped to repair the ship.
By contrast, Jaime Humberto López Pacheco, ocean helmsman Otterloo and Mexico, said that in Nicaragua the boat loaded with 14 containers.
In this case, the director of the Police of Panama, Carlos Bares said no five phone calls that made him TIME.
Last December, Miguel Antonio Bernal, a former presidential adviser Mireya Moscoso, Panama's president, questioned whether the Police would have authorized the purchase of about $ 5 million in arms. He said the material was purchased but do not know to whom and whether they actually came to this country. Police also kept silent on that occasion.
"END OF HISTORY?
Currently, Colombian authorities are carrying out intelligence work to establish who or which group has the weapons and ammunition. "Can it be that the guerrilla arsenal, self-defense or international traffickers who kept it as a transit station to another place, "said a researcher.
in any country is held by the billionaire arms smuggling.
RESPONDS PANAMA
The Security Council of Panama, issued a statement that does not give many details of the investigation, but warns that to commit the crime, those involved "altered and used false documentation, which was intended to suggest that the cargo in question was headed" Panama. The investigation involved people of Panama, Colombia, Nicaragua and the United States.
According
the Security Council, the Public Ministry is cognizant of this fact, and "is doing the research required by law."
La Prensa 2005
controversial failure. The arms trade that never was investigated.
The Court and a case that no one forgets
A paradigmatic case of the critical decision of the Court. The role of Winston Spadafora. Guido
Bilbao
gbilbao@prensa.com
The story is cinematic involving three countries, arms dealers, national police, paramilitary groups and a ship named Otterloo, a Panamanian flag and loaded with two thousand rifles AK 47.
The fact could be described as follows: Nicaragua sold arms to an Israeli businessman, who said buying on behalf of Panama. As proof presented by the Ministry of Government and Justice sale went smoothly. The Otterloo departed with the cargo on November 3, 2001 from Nicaragua, but the weapons never arrived in Panama. Seven days later arrived at the port Turbo, Urabá, Colombia. Cargo was unloaded and taken to Antioquia and Cordoba, Colombia. The vessel continued to Barranquilla, where their captain was declared sick and disappeared.
The weapons were delivered to a paramilitary group, the driver of the boat disappeared and end of the story.
That was how the Panamanian government was in the midst of an international scandal of arms trafficking. Only the Supreme Court, instead of promoting a thorough investigation to find out exactly how what happened happened, decided to close the case, release the only person arrested and live as if nothing had happened here. Because for the Supreme Court in Panama nothing happened.
The story came to light when El Tiempo, Colombia, published on April 21, 2002 that three thousand AK-47 rifles and five million rounds of ammunition from Nicaragua had entered into the ship Otterloo Colombia, in late 2001.
Two months later he published an interview with the head of the Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), Carlos Castaño, who claimed to have received five shipments of 13 thousand rifles.
Moreover, paramilitary leader, fun, stated that this had been the "best goal" that had gone from Central America.
striking thing is that the March 30, 2004, the Panamanian Supreme Court decided to accept an injunction to Yalin for Shimon Yelinek-Israeli businessman who participated in the talks, and thus closed the investigation.
Adán Arnulfo Arjona only saved his vote.
The arms scandal was so great that the Organization of American States set up a commission to investigate the case.
The commission issued a report criticizing Nicaragua especially not more strictly control the final destination of the shipment.
The reasons that led the Court to accept the under Panamanian, and thus close the investigation being conducted by the Public Ministry, were widely criticized. Judges who supported the closure of the investigation chose not to evaluate two facts which would have given free rein to research.
1 - The ship Otterloo, carrying guns, sailing under the Panamanian flag.
Article seven of the Penal Code states that "country is also considered the Panamanian ships and aircraft." So the arms trade, to happen throughout the boat, it happened in Panama.
2 - The shipping company that owned the ship was based in Panama and could have been investigated.
3 - The purchase of the documents submitted by the brokers weapons to the Nicaraguan authorities were forged but, supposedly issued by the Ministry of Government and Justice. For the Supreme Court that should not be investigated.
4 - offenses harmed the image of Panama. Article 8 of the Penal Code says that "Panamanian criminal law applies to offenses committed abroad against the legal personality of the State."
Although these four legal arguments compel the judges to bless the investigation, the Court decided to close it.
Some judges, however, knew the case thoroughly. Winston Spadafora was Minister of Interior and Justice during the Moscoso administration, and precisely went to his administration to which he attributed the forged document. The man who took the place of Spadafora when he left the ministry to fill one of the nine seats of the Court was Aníbal Salas. Both former ministers are now part of the Supreme Court.
Spadafora, as a minister, participated in internal investigations were initiated to decipher the history of falsified document that had left the ministry. However, since being in court and in dealing with the case, pleaded not prevented. Moreover, it was the judge rapporteur.
Until today nobody has been able to answer the big question: How does a public document State of Panama ended in the hands of arms dealers? The investigation was suspended.
In their rescue Adam Arjona make other observations that also suggests how the Court took powers which were not necessarily theirs.
"As the Court of Amparo, the Court could not determine whether the crime was committed or not Panama as to why, precisely, the Public Ministry was investigating, and eventually the task will be executed corresponding to the ordinary criminal courts ".
In short, the Court stopped the research and you can no longer know what the Panamanian government was in the midst of this scandal she even bother the Panamanian Foreign Ministry. Why
eight of the nine members of the high court judges ruled without taking into account some rules of the Penal Code? Nobody knows.
worth remembering that while in Panama the Court to file the case, both in Colombia and Nicaragua, the investigations were still ongoing.
say that to sign onto a button in this case, a failure.
ROADMAP
* CASE: International traffic in arms. Nicaragua sold weapons to entrepreneurs who claimed to represent Panama. The shipment of AK 47 rifles 3mil ended in the hands of Colombian paramilitaries.
* THE COURT: He decided to accept an injunction requested by an Israeli businessman. Thus prevented the investigations continue.
* DOUBTS: Winston Spadafora was a government minister when the scandal happened and judge when the investigation was closed.
La Prensa 2002
document itself shows that loaded weapons Otterloo
The document shows that the board was responsible for police Nicaragua National
JOSE OTERO
Special Envoy
jotero@prensa.com
Facsimile of shipping document detailing what Oterloo ship loaded at the port of Rama. Below, image of the ship anchored in Columbus.
MANAGUA, Nicaragua._ Contrary to the statement by the crew of the ship Otterloo, which states have not uploaded anything in Nicaragua during the continuance of this boat in November 2001 in the port of Rama, the 'press had access to a document certifying that on this ship 14 containers were set up with 3 thousand AK-47 rifles and 5 million rounds of ammunition which were destined for Panama Police final.
That document is included in the record of the investigation being conducted by the Government of Nicaragua in this case is dated November 2, 2001 and bears and seals of the Customs Administration under the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit Nicaragua.
document also includes the signature of the captain of the ship Otterloo, Mexican Jesus Fernando Iturrios Maciel, who record that the ship under his command embarked on that date 14 containers of 20 feet long each containing 300 boxes AK-47 rifles, with a total of 3 000 of these weapons.
addition, the cargo included 3 000 493 boxes of 7.62-caliber cartridges mm, representing a total of 5 million rounds of AK-47.
The transaction was carried out by the shipping company Nicaraguan Vassalli Agency, which stated that all cargo had a weight of 173.1 metric tons.
Also, it is clear that the board was responsible for the National Police of Nicaragua, located in Plaza El Sol, Managua, Nicaragua and as agent for the National Police of Panama.
Other specifications of the document reflect that the cargo was loaded on the ship Otterloo, numbered 407, under the command of Captain Jesus Iturrios, a Mexican national in the port of Rama, Nicaragua and had to land Colon, Panama.
Similarly, another document which was seen by the press revealed that the Otterloo arrived at the port of Rama in Nicaragua on October 26, 2001 from Veracruz, Mexico, and his crew consisted of Captain Jesus Fernando Maciel Iturrios , a Mexican passport-MON AB 316, the second mate, Panamanian, Carlos Alberto Aguilar Valdés, 8-379-239 passport, Mexicans Yejun Jesus Ernesto Rodriguez, a mechanical engineer, passport 01040018316; Luis Sandoval Ibarra (cook) 01040058427 , Leopoldo Pérez Ramírez, passport 98040035804; Pedro Martinez Andrade, 98040014152 passport, and Jaime Humberto López Pacheco, passport 01040034793.
Otterloo The boat is owned by the Panamanian shipping company, Trafalgar Maritime International Inc., whose officers are Michael Onnattoti Mexicans and Panamanians Ferriz, Ignacio Robles Chambers and Carmen Cecilia Rangel. Gustavo Padilla is listed as resident agent.
So far only the second official said, Panamanian Carlos Aguilar, who said the ship came to Nicaragua for repairs in the engine room and did not load anything, the lawyer said Padilla.
558.html Colombian Media
Within this context, the November 5, 2001, landed and were introduced into the country three thousand AK 47 rifles and five million rounds of 5.62 mm caliber, for them, carried on the arsenal ship Otterloo. This landing took place in the port of Zungo, specifically in the courtyards of the company Banadex SA, a place where weapons left in fourteen trucks to paramilitary organizations in Córdoba and Urabá. Then paramilitary chief Carlos Castaño publicly admitted that this fact was "the best goal" [5]. Most of these weapons were never delivered as part of the demovilización paramilitary conducted between 2003 and 2006. On January 16, 2008 the continuation of these crimes sponsored and promoted by Chiquita Brands was revealed when the national police seized a paramilitary organization "demobilized" Daniel Rendón Herrera, aka Don Mario, brother of the former paramilitary chief Freddy Rendón Herrera aka The German, 47 AK-47 rifles that apparently came from the same ship Otterloo [6].
addition to being supported both in the judicial systems of Colombia and the United States, this relationship between Chiquita Brands International and the paramilitary structure in Colombia-and therefore the responsibility of this company in the commission of multiple crimes against humanity and serious violations of human rights, has been corroborated over the past year by various paramilitary chiefs as Salvatore Mancuso Gómez, aka Santander Lozada, Freddy Rendón Herrera, aka The German, Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, alias Jorge 40, Nodier Giraldo Giraldo, aka Cabezon or Jack, and Ever Veloza García, alias HH [7]
On September 17, 2007 Chiquita Brands International pleaded guilty to the offense of "engaging in transactions with specially designated global terrorists" to the District Court Columbia (USA) and was ordered to pay $ 25 million to the respective Department of Justice. According to Government's sentencing memorandum, the Court determined that Chiquita's payments to paramilitary organizations were "reviewed and approved by senior executives of the corporation, including officers, directors and senior employees." The Court also considered that, by September 2000, Chiquita's senior executives were told that "the company made payments to the AUC and the AUC was a violent paramilitary organization led by Carlos Castaño." Furthermore, a Chiquita attorney conducted an investigation into payments in August 2000 and produced a report, which made clear that "the Living was a mere front for the AUC and described AUC as an 'illegal paramilitary organization widely known'. " Finally, the lawyer "presented the results of its investigation to the Audit Committee of the Board during a meeting at the headquarters of the accused Chiquita in Cincinnati [USA] in September 2000 [8]. In exchange for accepting this responsibility, the Court decided not to pursue criminal charges or identify the responsibilities of the executives involved, which also opened the door for the advancement of criminal trials in Colombia and eventual extradition of the responsible parties.
Following all that, more than a year, several high officials and politicians from Colombia and the U.S. have declared repeatedly called for the investigation and extradition of senior officials and executives of Chiquita Brands [9]. Even the Attorney General's Office reportedly has advanced efforts in this regard. According to the Union-Tribune newspaper of San Diego (USA), March 20, 2007, the Attorney General of Colombia said it would demand the extradition of "eight people allegedly involved with Chiquita's payments" [10]. Although no person was identified at this time, Attorney General Mario Iguaran Arana said "should be tried in Colombia, not only for ransom payments, but by transport almenacenamiento of 3,000 rifles and [11]. Then, on December 7, 2007, the newspaper El Tiempo reported that the Attorney General's Office issued an order to summon for questioning on charges of aggravated conspiracy and financing illegal armed groups to the following executives of Chiquita: ROBERT FISHER , STEVEN G. Warshaw, CARL H. LINDNER, Durk I. JAGER, JEFFREY D. BENJAMIN, Morten Arntzen, RODERICK HILLS, CYRUS F. FREIDHEIM, and ROBERT OLSON [12].
However, in April 2008, Attorney General Mario Iguaran Arana alleged that still could not advance the process of extradition because of lack of "identify and prosecute" those involved. "Yes there are some executives of Chiquita Brands, but no extradition can we order them, but we must have information that is happy in the agreement concluded with the U.S. Court and includes a confidentiality agreement," said Iguarán [13 ].
This last statement is even more surprising when taking into account that since early January 2008 rests in the Attorney General file No. 63625 in which he details exactly the identities of managers and senior executives of Chiquita officials involved in this case as responsible for the payments or the provision of weapons to paramilitary organizations, and as the alleged instigators and sponsors of crimes against humanity and violations of human rights committed by the same [14].
As shown, there is only "eight people allegedly involved with Chiquita's payments" that should be investigated. For their leadership positions, auditing, finance or operations, it should investigate and seek extradition of at least 14 managers, executives and senior officials of Chiquita Brands International, namely FREIDHEIM CYRUS JR., RODERICK M. HILLS, ROBERT OLSON, Morten Arntzen, Jeffrey D. BENJAMIN, Steven Stanbrook, Durk I. JAGER, JAIME SERRA, ROBERT F. Kistinger, JAMES B. RILEY, ROBERT W. FISHER, CARL H. LINDNER, KEITH LINDER, and STEVEN Warshaw [15].
Based on the above, we require the Attorney General Mario Igaurán forward for the procedural steps, aimed at the pursuit, capture and extradition of the entrepreneurs mentioned Chiquita Brands International for the crimes committed in Colombia due to their involvement in the financing of the paramilitary structure and the entry of weapons.
is clear that the Attorney General's Office does not have to hope that America responds to the request to advance the research of those most responsible for crimes committed. The Attorney General's Office should take timely and effective reflecting their determination to combat impunity, these must be supported by the respective administrative and judicial officials in both countries.
then each of Chiquita Brands involved:
Cyrus Freidheim Jr., chairman of the board, chief executive officer and chairman of the executive committee since March 19, 2002 [16] to 25 May 2004 [17]. Roderick M.
Hills, director and chairman of the audit committee since March 19, 2002 [18] until June 2007 [19], legal advisor to then-President Ford in 1975 and chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission from 1975-1977 [20] According to the Los Angeles Times, December 22, 2003 testified before the board, "it seems we are committing a crime" [21]
Robert Olson, vice president, general counsel and secretary from 1995 until August 31 2006 [22]. According to the Washington Post on April 3, 2003, Robert Olson told others on the board that he and Hills thought the company had a strong defense and simply should let the Justice Department "sue us, we achieved" [23].
Morten Arntzen, director and audit committee member since March 19, 2002 [24] to date [25]. According to Wall Street Journal, the Norwegian-American Morten Arntzen knew of the payments in April 2002, a month after entering the joint. "When I walked into the meeting, knew that the company made payments to paramilitary groups in Colombia," said Morten Arntzen [26]. Jeffrey D.
Benjamin, director and member of the executive and audit committee [27] from the March 19, 2002 [28] until February 6, 2007 [29].
Steven Stanbrook, director and executive committee member [30] from the December 21, 2002 [31] to date [32]. Stanbrook was also a member of the audit committee between 2002 and 2004 [33].
Durk I. Jager, director [34] since December 2002 [35] to date [36], and a member of the audit committee from 2005 to date [37]. Jager, a Dutch national, worked with Proctor & Gamble from 1970 [38] until 2000, when he resigned from the board [39].
Jaime Serra, director from February 2003 [40] to date [41]. Serra, a Mexican national, was undersecretary of the Treasury, Secretary of Commerce and Secretary of Finance of their country [42]. Robert F.
Kistinger, has held positions as president, chief operating officer, director, executive committee member and audit, among others, since 1999. Has over twenty Chiquita years [43]. James B.
Riley, vice president and chief financial officer from 2001 [44] and September 2004 [45]. Robert W.
Fisher, director and chief operating officer since March 19, 2002 [46] to date [47]. From 1991 to 1993 and from 1996 to 1998, Fisher served as chief operating officer for operations of Grupo Noboa Banana. Prior to link the Noboa Group, Fisher spent 25 years at Dole Food Company, including his last four years as president [48]. Carl H.
Lindner, chairman of the board of directors from 1984 until March 2002 and chief executive officer from 1984 until August 2001 [49]. According to Mother Jones magazine, between 2000 and 2004, was the largest private donor to political parties in the U.S. [50].
Keith Linder, son of Carl H. Lindner, vice president of the board and executive committee member from 1996 to 2000 [51].
Steven Warshaw, executive committee, president, chief operating officer and chief financial officer from 1996 to 2000 [52]. Footnotes
Page [1] Morten Arntzen, director and audit committee member. (See: Ex-Chiquita director faces legal jeopardy. Cohen, Laurie P., Wall Street Journal, New York, August 2, 2007, http://siliconinvestor.advfn.com/readmsg.aspx?msgid=23764163).
[2] Indictment: U.S. case against Chiquita Brands. District Court of Columbia, United States, Criminal No. 07-055, March 13, 2007, paragraph have 19 http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/corru/doc/indictment.html.
[3] Indictment: U.S. case against Chiquita Brands. District Court of Columbia, United States, Criminal No. 07-055, March 13, 2007, paragraph have 19 http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/corru/doc/indictment.html.
[4] For instance, the magazine Semana, "the killing of 'Jorge 40' have occurred in areas where there are large ongoing business or businesses. The area of \u200b\u200bthe country where there are more mass graves after Putumayo is the swamp area and Foundation. There, the Office has identified more than 300 clandestine graves, surrounded by what was once a thriving banana industry, which also took part the controversial multinational Chiquita Brands. " (See: The executioner. Revista Semana, June 30, 2007, http://www.semana.com/wf_InfoArticulo.aspx?idArt=104755). (For general context see also: From the United Fruit Company, Chiquita Brands International, Cincinnati, Ohio, USA. Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo. April 2006, http://www.sinaltrainal.org/index.php?option = com_content & task = view & id = 119 & Itemid = 64 A history of impunity. El Espectador, Editorial, September 22, 2007, http://www.casamerica.es/es/horizontes/zona-andina/una-historia-de-imp unit? Referer = / es/casa-de-america- virtual / literature / articles-and-notic ias / against-the-forgotten).
[5] Process 63,625. Attorney 18 National Counter-Terrorism Unit, Resolution dated 1 August 2003, Report of the Secretary General of the Organization of American States on the Diversion of Nicaraguan arms to the AUC in Colombia. Organization of American States, OEA / Ser.G, CP / doc. 3687/03, January 29, 2003, http://www.grip.org/bdg/g2052.html.
[6] "On Jan. 16 he seized the organization of 'Don Mario' 47 AK-47 that appear to come from the ship 'Otterloo." With the block 'Heroes Castano, "Daniel Rendón Herrera has taken over areas of several former paramilitary chiefs and has killed 70 people near who killed his friend Carlos Castaño. [...] For at least a year, began to appropriate drug markets and spaces 'military' previously held by former paramilitary Salvatore Mancuso, Diego Fernando Murillo Bejarano, 'Don Berna' and Ramiro Vanoy Murillo, alias 'Cuco'. [...] Of the 3 000 500 rifles the 'Otterloo', demobilized gave him only a fraction of the Uribe government in the process of demobilization of the AUC. Authorities work the hypothesis that the remaining 'Don Mario' is rearming its army, a hybrid between former paramilitaries and drug traffickers [...]. 'Don Mario' appeared officially demobilized between the structure of the Elmer Cárdenas, then in command of his younger brother, alias 'The German'. And although the Government has reiterated that those who re-offend automatically lose the benefits of the Justice and Peace, there is still no legal mechanism prepared for that purpose. " (See: 'Don Mario', drug linked to the Castaño brothers, is now the country's most wanted drug lord. El Tiempo, February 8, 2008, http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/colombia/doc/mario.html). (See also: "Don Mario" wants to expand with blood and fire your business. El Colombiano, Medellin, February 8, 2008, http://www.elcolombiano.com.co/BancoConocimiento/D/don_mario_quiere_ex pandir_a_sangre_y_fuego_su_negocio / don_mario_quiere_expandir_a_sangre_y _fuego_su_negocio.asp).
From: ANNCO
ricardo@Gmail.com